Canada is Deeply Scarring the Haitian Poor –the People Must Remove this Dagger

by Asaf Rashid — last modified 2008-10-29T12:36:34-04:00
Most notably, Canada’s gash has been made through participation in the February 29, 2004 coup of democratically-elected Haitian President Jean Bertrand Aristide and through the bloody aftermath that has followed the coup. The process ultimately breaks down into a class war pitting the elites in Haiti, Canada, France and the United States against the extreme poor people of Haiti—and indirectly against the poor people of Canada. But none of the significance in cruelty of Canada’s involvement in Haiti, and what it means in a bigger picture of historical oppression, can be understood without first dipping into the past.

By Asaf Rashid

Historical backdrop I – the nightmare before Canada’s addition to it

Colonial oppression of the part of the world that is now known as Haiti began with the Spanish in the aftermath of the ultimately genocidal 1492 expedition of Christopher Columbus. The Spanish brought European diseases to the island, which killed native Arawaks. Spain handed control of Haiti and its slave economy to the French in 1697 in what was identified by both parties, but not the slaves, as a peace deal. When France entered the picture, they drastically advanced upon the slave labour economy in Haiti, with major crops of sugar and cotton picked by Africans slaves under French rule, who by 1791 totaled 500,000 in number. Along the way, many died or were killed under brutal conditions, but were replaced in a very mechanical fashion. They were pulled away from communities in Congo, Angola, Dahomey, Guinea, and Senegal (1).

Although 1791 was the climax in the size of the Haitian slave economy, it was also the year that a great slave rebellion began. Through the French Revolution of 1789, the famous French slogan “liberté, egalité, et fraternité” sounded off all the way to Haiti, where the enslaved African population was lead to believe that the “Rights of Man” (inherent equality) would apply to them (2). When slave plantation owners were successfully awarded a preposterous exemption to the “freedom” rule after they complained of injustice, a country-wide slave rebellion—inflicted with all the pain of the history of slavery—was a forgone conclusion.

Over the next 13 years (1791 – 1804), fighting was nearly continuous, with Haiti becoming a racial-tension-laced battle ground between Spain and France, then France and Britain, and finally, between the African population of Haiti and the French. Freed slave, Toussaint-L’Ouverture, emerged as the key figure in helping to organize the slaves and provide military leadership from the outset of the struggle. He arose to the leadership of the colony of freed slaves through the 1790s, but he was treacherously captured in 1801 by France, where brutal empire builder Napoleon had just taken power. Toussaint L’Ouverture was left to die, a Haitian hero in a French prison. However, in Haiti the people would not accept defeat; the struggle to fully overthrow the French was revived. Napoleonic rule—an attempt to re-initiate slavery—only lasted a few months as Black general Jean-Jacques Dessalines emerged as the new military leader. Dessalines finally claimed the climactic Independence of Haiti on January 1, 1804 (3), a monumental event which saw Haiti become the shock of the colonial world—a symbol of freedom—as the colony of slaves effectively defeated its powerful French oppressors. This caused immense nervousness in the United States over similar circumstances arising there, as well as in Britain, where the economy was driven by slave labour.

Sadly, for the population of former slaves, excitement was very short-lived. It did not take long for the French to enact economic revenge on Haiti for loss of property (slaves). Immediately post-emancipation, the population was demanding better distribution of resources from the administration of Dessalines. The French were opportunists during the post-independence turmoil in Haiti, making aggressive—posturing attack—demands to have the former slave owners compensated for having to endure being kicked out of Haiti by the Dessalines administration and losing their slave property. The French also threatened not to recognize Haiti’s independence in the international sphere if Haiti did not pay the sum. Rather than face pressure from the French and the Haitian population simultaneously, the Haitian rulers complied with the racist French demand and began paying “reparations” to France. This betrayal allowed the newly established Haitian rulers to focus on controlling their own population. It also set in motion over 100 years of (slave) debt repayments, which severely stunted the ability of Haiti to develop as a society. Additionally, there is no doubt that the betrayal was significant in firmly establishing the Haitian elite and forming a deep rift in Haitian society.

Further escalation in the oppression of the Haitian people took place in the early 1900s, through the newly emerged colonial power of the US. The US stabbed their influence into Haitian society in 1915, beginning a 19-year military occupation initiated by then-president of the US, Woodrow Wilson. During the occupation, the US dispossessed 50,000 peasants in the north of Haiti alone; restored virtual slavery by granting American investors access to 20 cents per day Haitian labour; allowed American companies to scout Haiti for land for new plantations of rubber, bananas, sugar, sisal, mahogany and other tropical produce; and, brought in the Marine Corps, who massacred and terrorized Haitians—partly an expression of the Deep South racism within the US, from where many of the US forces emerged. When the US finally declared their Haitian occupation over, leaving behind a trail of death and misery, they had an assurance that Haiti would be governed appropriately according to US standards, with a US-trained army kept in place for good measure (5).

In 1957, the US-approved François ‘Doc’ Duvalier (Papa Doc) assumed office in Haiti through an army-organized election. He quickly created the Tontons Macoute, an armed militia under his command, which was designed to shore up his own dictatorship against any competition from the generals. Papa Doc lived in luxury in a presidential mansion while gangs flourished amidst deep poverty amongst city streets. After Papa Doc’s death in 1971, his son Baby Doc took over, continuing the friendship with the US, and continuing to punish the poor until his rule ended in 1986 (6). Collectively, the father-and-son series formed the brutal Duvalier dynasty. The dynasty effectively put a dagger in the hearts of the poor of Haiti, while paying great dividends for the elite, both in Haiti and abroad. It was a time characterized by corruption, oppression of the poor masses, arbitrary terror, abusive police and army, extreme human rights violations, killings, jailing, torture, disappearance, absence of individual freedom and lawlessness. All told, an estimated 60,000 people were killed—though many more were abused—through the 30 years of pain.

That was the story of the poor. The story of the wealthy is hinted upon by the fortunes of the Duvaliers. Rod Prince, author of “Haiti: Family Business” has pointed out that in 1983, two years before the fall of the Duvalier dynasty, “the Duvalier family’s personal fortune (was) rumored to amount to some US$400 million, while the annual Gross National Product per head (in Haiti) stood at US$315. In the countryside, where people live outside the cash economy on the edge of starvation, it is about US$50 per head” ((7), p43). In addition to the Duvalier family, the major beneficiaries of the regime’s policies were the top government and military officials; foreign investors; the Haitian industrial and commercial bourgeoisie; the professional, technocratic, and administrative bureaucratic class; and the large base of the Tontons Macoutes.

When the Duvalier dynasty was finally chased from power in 1986 by the ‘flood’—the kreyol word is lavalas—of popular insurgency, Haitian people were betrayed once again as the the Conseil National de Gouvernement (CNG), made up of military elite, came in on a reformist platform, but quickly reverted to the usual—and internationally supported tools of terror. They committed killings, with mutilated corpses dumped as warnings in streets and alleyways; they torched homes and packed churches. This brutal process was driven by the demands of internal and external elite who could not accept a legitimate democracy in Haiti (8).

Historical backdrop II – Enter Aristide and a new hope for the poor, quickly dashed, then revived

With Haiti mired in an ongoing cycle of oppressive leadership brokered from abroad, liberation theologist, Father Jean Bertrand Aristide and the Lavalas party suddenly appeared on the political scene, registering at the last minute as a presidential candidate to claim a stunning 67% majority in the Haitian National elections of 1991. He was socialist with an avowed dedication to the poor. His first breakfast in the palace was an atypical scene in Haiti. He did not dine with visiting dignitaries, but with hundreds of street kids and homeless poor instead. In his first month in office, he declined his $10,000 monthly salary and called his congressional colleagues to do with $2,000 a month rather than the $7,000 they requested. In his first few months over 2,000 federal jobs were eliminated in an effort to redirect funds towards social programmes (6). The grand changes that were being hinted at never had a chance to be tested for their validity. He was only in power for 7 months before he was overthrown by a military coup d’etat in September 1991, which lasted into 1994.

Haitian labor leaders maintained that a crucial reason for Aristide’s overthrow was his intention to raise the minimum wage to 50 cents an hour, up from a scandalous 14 cents (9). Haiti was known as a place of exceptionally cheap labour and there were powerful economic interests that did not want that to change. Key amongst these were the over 60 US corporations doing business in Haiti (before and during the coup year), many of them well-known in the apparel and sportswear trade. The names included Wilson and Star Sportswear baseballs and softballs, Universal Manufacturing, and H.H. Cutler Co., producing goods for Disney’s Babies, Fisher-Price, Major League Baseball, the National Basketball Association, the National Football League, and the National Hockey League. The leading retail outlets for goods made in Haiti before and during the 1990s coup were Sears, J.C. Penney, and WalMart. The immense profits of these companies and the removal of Aristide were not disconnected circumstances.

In grave contrast to the success of these companies, the poor of Haiti suffered immensely during the coup years. During the 1991 – 1994 military regime, it is known that 4,000 people were killed, 300,000 became internal refugees, thousands more fled across the border to the Dominican Republic, and more than 60,000 took to the high seas to seek asylum in the United States. Terror and intimidation direct at civilians and impunity were the characteristics of those years (5).

The military force that overthrew Aristide remained in power until October 1994, when Aristide was returned to office and remained there until the end of his term in 1996. He was returned with strict conditions put over him by the Clinton Administration of the US (8). One of those conditions was that he was not to attempt to run for a successive term as president, hence his departure—despite massive popular support—in 1996. Rene Preval won the Presidency, legitimately, in Aristide’s wake and maintained segments of—though not all—the popularity amongst the poor that Aristide had achieved.

Canada’s destabilization role begins -

The point at which Canada began taking major action to harm the democratic process in Haiti, and contribute more fully to the oppression of the poor majority, occurred in 2000. Jean-Bertrand Aristide was again elected as president of Haiti with a 92% majority—a wave of support from the poor—in the 2000 national elections, and the Canadian government responded by participating in an international embargo on Haiti that saw them join the US and the EU (with French pressure) in cutting off aid to the Haitian government. The powerful governments of the north argued that the election results were flawed, despite no legitimate evidence to back their claims up. To compound difficulties for the Haitian poor, not only was aid being cut off to Aristide’s pro-poor Lavalas government, but the powerful northern governments also began to send aid to groups opposed to Lavalas.

The most notorious of the Haitian anti-Lavalas opposition groups is the very powerful Haitian “civil society” organization, Group 184. The group formed after Aristide was elected in 2000, its main figures being sweatshop magnate and gangster leader Andy Apaid (more on him and his connections below) and Haitian Chamber of Commerce leader Reginald Boulos (10). The elite club used their deep resources to organize and build the very small opposition to Lavalas in the years leading up to the coup. This included organizing demonstrations, led by Apaid, of anti-Aristide students (late 2003) and right-wing sectors of Haitian society to oust democratically elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide (11). Haitian opposition to Lavalas also had help from the US-based International Republican Institute, which trained Lavalas opposition groups in “political organizing skills” in the Dominican Republic. Not surprisingly, rebel forces (against Lavalas) emerged from the Dominican Republic in the years and months approaching the February 2004 coup. These were ex-Haitian military forces brandishing new M16 assault rifles. In the shine of these rifles might have been the reflection of a November 2002 Dominican paper that spoke of a US donation of 20,000 M16s to the Dominican army, said to be for reinforcing the Dominican’s border with Haiti (8).

Canada took a very direct role to re-organize Haiti, on behalf of elites in Haiti and outside, in late January of 2003. The high-powered meeting was code-named the “Ottawa Initiative on Haiti,” and was convened by Canada’s Secretary of State for Latin America, Africa, and the French-speaking World, Denis Paradis. The meeting also included Organization of American States officials; French Cooperation Minister, Pierre-André Wiltzer; two U.S. State Department functionaries, and El Salvador’s Foreign Minister, Maria Da Silva. One of the meeting’s conclusions was that Aristide needed to be removed from power (12).

Front line participation of Canada was obvious on February 29, 2004, the day of the coup of the President Aristide, who was popularly elected with a 92% majority in the 2000 Haitian national elections through immense support from the country’s poor majority. On that sad day in February, Canada’s involvement was blatantly obvious as members of Canada’s prized military unit, Joint Task Force II held their position on the Haitian airstrip waiting for the high profile prisoner, Aristide, to be safely expelled from the country. They were supported by 550 other members of the Canadian military, who guarded the operation from any interference by the poor majority of Haiti. Along with the military muscle of France, the United States and the rather small rebel army that had support of the Haitian elites, Canada was able to effectively have Aristide removed, albeit unwillingly. Aristide was informed by US “diplomat” Luis Moreno that he would likely die along with thousands of Haitians if he did not leave. The coup also included, over time, the ousting of the entire Lavalas government of which Aristide was a part.

Since the coup, Canada has maintained a strong presence, committing RCMP with responsibility to train the Haitian National police. Under the watch of Canadian police, 500 ex-soldiers have been integrated into the HNP, with the top ranks of the HNP now staffed almost exclusively with former FAd’H (Haitian military disbanded by Aristide) officers with another 500-1000 former military in the process of being incorporated. The RCMP certainly have some responsibility to bear for allowing these officers into the ranks of the Haitian National Police (HNP), considering how their members were famous for committing human rights atrocities in earlier years. That responsibility has become even more necessary considering the HNP, expectedly, have repeated their past by committing further atrocities, just under a new name.

Very detailed evidence uncovered through a picture-filled University of Miami-based human rights investigation has demonstrated that the HNP, with the protection of the atrociously misnamed United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), have been responsible for killing civilians (13), despite the fact that they claim they are only seeking to arrest armed gang members. Observations and investigations into the poor neighbourhood of Bel Air, for example, revealed that there were dead bodies in the street almost daily, including innocent bystanders, women and children. Witnesses have seen the UN present—standing guard—while the RCMP-sanctioned HNP have committed crimes against humanity. A Bel Air political leader with Lavalas, Samba Boukman had actually documented (names, dates, times and personal information) the killings that took place from September 2004 to November 16th, 2004. He detailed about 100 killed and many others vanished. Additionally, the human rights investigation contained numerous witness accounts detailing that sweatshop owner Andy Apaid and Haitian Chamber of Commerce head Reginald Boulos, those notorious leaders of the Canadian-supported Group 184, have armed and paid gang members (i.e. paramilitary units) operating in the desperately poor slum of Cité Soleil. Specifically, the word is that Thomas Robinson, alias “Labanyè,” leads his gang in the Boston neighbourhood of Cité Soleil to attack and kill Lavalas supporters throughout the slum. Even some police confirmed the connection between Apaid and Labanyè. And although there are gangs that have formed with the stated mission to protect Lavalas supporters, many innocent people have been claimed in the (elite-lead) gang violence. Another piece of evidence placing a bloody dagger in Canada’s hands, is that Quebec-based t-shirt giant Gildan Activewear maintains a contract with the gangster Apaid, benefiting from the atrociously low labour standards that Apaid helps to violently enforce while Gildan receives no condemnation nor punishment from the Canadian government.

There are many more details of atrocities since the University of Miami human rights report was released. On the infamous day of July 6, 2005, the UN, under Brazilian command, committed a massacre in which 23 Haitian civilians were killed (14). They made the unsubstantiated claim that they were acting in legitimate self-defense. There was no condemnation from the Canadian government for this atrocity. Further evidence of gross human rights abuses by the UN—also receiving no condemnation from the Canadian government—has recently arrived from the Montreal-based independent journalist Aaron Lakoff, who was in Haiti in January of 2006. He had the following observations to describe of the UN going beyond merely “standing guard” or “self defense”. In his report on January 21, he described, “This week’s death toll in Cite Soleil was already over ten, all killed by UN forces. Many Canadians like myself have been raised with the myth that the UN, the infamous and benevolent ‘casques bleus,’ operate around the world to protect peace and security. Now the UN is publicly admitting that they have killed civilians as ‘collateral damage’ in some of their missions.” This is all done under the guise of “catching bandits” or “going after gangsters”, but as a piece of graffiti adjacent to a bullet hole in a Cité Soleil school described, “a school is not a bandit”.

But the Canadian company Gildan Activewear, as alluded to further above, has been involved in banditry, in their massive profiteering on the backs of Haitians. In recent years Gildan Activewear has honed in on the Caribbean, specifically the DR and Haiti, as their primary base of operations for providing an estimated—and staggering—40% of the U.S. t-shirt market. In 2005, Gildan CEO Glenn Chamandy bragged about his company’s ability to exploit: “Gildan’s manufacturing is among the most cost-competitive in the industry….Gildan’s labour costs in countries such as Haiti and Honduras are actually cheaper than those in China…the bulk of T-shirts heading to the U.S. market are from the Caribbean…” (Globe and Mail, April 11, 2005). Later in 2005, Canada-based independent journalists Andrea Shmidt and Anthony Fenton visited the Apaid Garment Factory (AGF), Apaid’s main factory located on Toussaint L’Ouverture boulevard in Port au Prince’s industrial sector. They interviewed female sewers and discovered they made USD$3, per day and worked from 6:30 in the morning to 5:00 at night (15).

Further banditry has been committed by Quebec based SNC Lavalin. SNC Lavalin has global operations in realms of defense, oil, infrastructure, engineering, mining, pharmaceuticals and agribusiness. In the “post-war” rebuilding climate in Haiti, where contracts have been estimated to be worth US$200 billion a year business, SNC has done very well. The Toronto Star (Mar. 23, 2004) cited SNC-Lavalin on the UN’s approved list of vendors, also noting a potential of an enormous $100 million annually for military contracts alone for operations in Haiti. SNC-Lavalin also procured the $20 million contract to build the new Canadian embassy in Port-au-Prince—adding insult to injury—as well as winning rights to be key members of the design team for a large road-building project that the Canadian International Development Agency has thrust millions into. Meanwhile, the Haitian poor struggle immensely in the slums and countryside.

There is more than just brutal exploitation at the economic level and gross human rights violations intermixed amongst the profiteering—all with Canada playing an intimate part in. There has also been sabotage of the political process, where Canadian election officials publicly legitimized the February 7, 2006 Haitian national elections and their bloody aftermath, which clearly marginalized the Haitan poor’s participation and effectiveness in being able to bring their overwhelmingly chosen candidate of Rene Preval into power. On February 9, as part of the legitimization, Jean-Pierre Kingsley, Canada’s Chief Electoral Officer and Chairman of the International Mission for Monitoring Haitian Elections, stated, “these elections were better than anything they’ve done in Haiti in the past.” Haitian-born, Ottawa-based member of the Canada Haiti Action Network, Jean Saint-Vil, has harshly criticized the process and the Canadian stamp of approval, saying, “The Canadian government and Jean Pierre Kingsley of Elections Canada have boasted of this foreign-imposed election that required many Haitians to go to extraordinary lengths in order to cast a ballot.” Amongst the gross violations of democratic process Sait-Vil is talking about are the following (16):

  • For the first time in the post-Duvalier period, Haitians went to the polls with hundreds of political prisoners lying in jail, many with no charges preferred against them.
  • Until just a few days before the vote, one of those prisoners was Catholic priest Gerard Jean-Juste, imprisoned in July 2005. His jaling blocked Haiti’s largest political party, Fanmi Lavalas, from running in the presidential election because he was the preferred Lavalas candidate and his jailing sent a not-too-subtle message to other would-be candidates from the same party.
  • The number of polling centres in this election was only 804, compared to more than 12,000 during the 2000 elections that elected Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
  • There were no polling centres at all in Cite Soleil, a poor region in Port au Prince, home to more than a quarter million people and a stronghold of support for leading Presidential candidate Rene Préval.

The list of (recent) grave crimes of sabotage of the political process in Haiti has to include, as a primary issue, the Canadian-supported ousting of Aristide in the first place. The fact that Aristide has not been allowed to return, despite being the candidate of choice in the 2000 Haitian national elections and despite the fact that he was not even able to finish his mandate has automatically made the recent elections entirely illegitimate. The Canadian government’s excuse for assisting in Aristide’s ouster amounted to the charge of Aristide being responsible for bringing Haiti to the point of a “failed state” (12). The assertion was entirely unfair considering it charged Aristide for all the problems of Haiti, while ignoring the crucial historical context of the incredibly oppressive conditions that the people of Haiti faced (see above) for generations before Aristide even entered the political scene in 1991. Secondly, the assertion was unfair because it was made within the context of characterizing the upper echelon business community in Haiti as an oppressed group under Aristide.

The accomplishments of Aristide cannot be left out of any critical evaluation of his policies and actions. It must be considered, for example, that Aristide raised the minimum wage in 1995 and doubled it in 2003; he instituted an extensive land reform program distributing 2.47 acres of land to each of 1,500 peasant families in the Artibonite River Valley; the Aristide administration campaigned aggressively to collect unpaid tax and utility bills owed the government by wealthy and powerful elite businessmen; and, the Lavalas administrations created hundreds of community stores and restaurants which sold food at discount prices forcing the wealthy elites’ import monopolies to reduce their prices and make them more affordable to poor Haitians, which, by 2003, lead to malnutrition dropping from 63% to 51%. The examples can continue. They are not evidence that Aristide was perfect, but evidence that there were efforts to improve the conditions of the poor under Aristide and the Lavalas party. What business did Canada and company have in interfering in this process, especially considering they cruelly put an embargo on aid to the desperately poor country in 2000, while funding the murderous Group 184?

Conclusion -

The point—of the dagger that Canada and friends have thrust into Haiti—is that they had plenty of business interfering with the politics and economics of Haitian society. Haiti represents an example of struggle that goes back 100s of years, into the days of slavery. The colonial powers of the world were struck with fear when the slave colony triumphantly declared its independence in 1804. Since then, the colonial powers have never truly allowed Haiti the chance to develop as a society. They have continued to exploit the country and its people. Haitian people have been grossly interfered with. Today, it represents a place of extraordinarily cheap labour, where owners hire gangsters to terrorize poor neighbourhoods. Through vast international support for, and protection of, this brutal exploitation, slavery has continued. Thus, it is a country mired in tremendous poverty, yet there are some doing very well. As Haitian activist and former Secretary of State for National Defense under Aristide, Patrick Elie, has put it: “You have 5% of the population controlling upwards of 70% of the wealth. And if you took that 5% and segmented it, you’d find that the top 1% controls about 50% of the country’s wealth.” The fact the elites are funded and provided arms by major international powers has trapped the poor of Haiti in a horrible prison.

Aristide and Lavalas provided some alleviation and the hope of escape, finally moving towards breaking the chains of slavery, once again. But he was ousted. Now Rene Preval stands in waiting to be the next president of Haiti, with swells of support from the poor majority; yet there was clear evidence of manipulation of the political process—once again—including burning of ballots and making it much more difficult for poor people to actually vote in the first place, and all the while, the head Canadian election official tells everyone, “these elections were better than anything they’ve done in Haiti in the past.” For whom did the official process go well?

What did go well was the resistance of the Haitian people and international solidarity with these brave people who have refused to give up after a 500 year struggle. They had to fight and struggle on their way to vote. People died in line waiting to vote (see www.canadahaitiaction.ca for many details); there were pro-poor militia who protected people’s right to vote; and, independent (non-corporate) media from around the world were on the scene in droves to make sure all evidence of fraud was covered, so that the information could be shared with as wide an audience as possible. Yet still, when there was an attempt to steal the election away from the poor majority, they rose up in 10s of 1,000s, filled the streets, and made it clear that they were not going to accept more fraud. The people shamed the Electoral Council into admitting the blatantly obvious: Preval won. Now the people in Canada, and in other countries with a responsibility in brutally oppressing Haiti, need to expand on and create their own popular movement towards pulling the daggers of their own countries out of Haiti. It’s important that the power of the people to bring about such significant change is not taken for granted or underestimated. There are many who are saying that it is Preval who won the election, but that’s not actually what happened. It’s better put that the people won, with the spirit of the Haitian Revolution revived.

References:

(1) Hearts Together for Haiti. http://www.htfhaiti.org/revolution-independence.html
(2) Wikipedia: Toussaint L’Ouverture. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Toussaint_L%E2%80%99Ouverture
(3) Wikipedia: Haitian Revolution. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haitian_Revolution
(4) Patrick Elie, Aaron Lakoff and Leslie Bagg. February 05, 2006. The Haitian Revolution and Black History http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?ItemID=9669
(5) Farmer, Paul. The Uses of Haiti. Maine: Common Courage Press, 1994

(6) http://www.saxakali.com/caribbean/benari.htm
(7) Rod Prince. Haiti: Family Business. London: Latin America Bureau, 1985
(8) Justin Podur, February 10, 2006; Kofi Annan’s Haiti, New Left Review;
(9) Greg Guma, March 10, 2004. Occupational Hazards - The First US Takeover of Haiti set the Stage for Later Interventions http://www.commondreams.org/views04/0310-07.htm
(10) Aaron Lakoff. January 21, 2006. The Politics of Brutality in Haiti Canada, the UN and “collateral damage”. http://dominionpaper.ca/accounts/2006/01/21/the_politi.html.
(11) Aaron Lakoff and Leslie Bagg. January 18, 2006. Elite in Haiti pressure UN: four more killed in Cite Soleil. http://www.haitiaction.net/News/HIP/1_18_6/1_18_6.html.
(12) Haiti Proges. March 5, 2002. Canadian Officials Initiate Planning for Military Ouster of Aristide

Haiti Progès - Vol. 20 No. 51 http://www.margueritelaurent.com/law/ottawai.html
(13) Thomas M. Griffin. Haiti Human Rights Investigation: Nov 11 – 24, 2004. http://www.law.miami.edu/news/368.html.
(14) Haitiaction.net. July 28, 2005. Wave of Protest Condemns UN Massacre of Poor in Haiti http://www.haitiaction.net/News/HAC/7_28_5/7_28_5.html
(15) Andréa Schmidt and Anthony Fenton. October 19, 2005 Andy Apaid and Us
http://www.zmag.org/content/print_article.cfm?itemID=8966&sectionID=1
(16) Canada Haiti Action Network Feb-15-2006 Haitian political rights leader speaks out on popular protests in Haiti. http://canadahaitiaction.ca/article.php?id=161&PHPSESSID=2c0d079332bdf4d95e49fdc5eaf44b1e

(17) John Maxwell. February 19, 2006 No more Lavalas, the fire next time? http://www.haitiaction.net/News/JM/2_19_6.html.

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